Remember the Eurozone crisis? It’s back!
Or, to be more accurate, it never went away.
Today’s locus of instability is Italy, where two Euroskeptic parties, one left (Five Star Movement) and one right (the League, AKA the Northern League), were prevented from forming a coalition government by the country’s Europhilic President Sergio Mattarella, who vetoed their pick of Paolo Savona for finance minister because he advocates leaving the Euro. Like Spain, Italy found out that if they went too strongly against the EU’s wishes, they’d simply be required to keep voting until they got it “right.”
The current reckoning has been a long time coming:
Accepting Italy as one of the eurozone’s founding members was a decision only made possible by ignoring common sense, by twisting statistics, and by making a mockery of the rules. But it was a Pyrrhic victory: Italy was allowed to trick its way onto a voyage that damned it. The euro simply did not fit the realities of Italy’s economy or its politics. By dramatically cutting the country’s financing costs (borrowing lire would have carried a significantly higher nominal cost) adopting the single currency allowed Rome to avoid tackling the country’s high debt load, a debt load that was made all the more dangerous now that it was all denominated in a ‘foreign’ currency. Italy could no longer print lire to pay off its creditors.
When the eurozone crisis hit, Italy was one of the victims, and so, in some respects was its democracy. In something that came uncomfortably close to a coup, the eurozone leadership essentially used Italy’s financial fragility as a lever to secure the replacement in 2011 of Prime Minister Berlusconi by a Brussels man, Mario Monti, a pliable, unelected proconsul. Next time you hear Brussels lecturing Eastern Europeans on democracy remember that.
Italy weathered the crisis in a ‘just a flesh wound’ sort of way. Its problems became chronic, rather than acute, if that’s the correct adjective to describe the consequences of staying stuck in the euro’s deflationary trap: High rates of unemployment and anemic economic growth.
The Independent:
Per capita GDP in Italy is still more than 8 per cent lower than it was when Lehman Brothers went bust in 2008. Quite incredibly, it is even lower than it was when the country joined the eurozone back at the turn of the millennium. Unemployment stands at 11 per cent, down from a peak of 13.1 per cent in 2014, but still double the 5.8 per cent low seen in 2007.
As the largest of the PIIGS and the third largest economy in the Eurozone, Italy’s participation in the Euro is a lot more vital than Greece’s, which is why the EU has actively been trying to crush any hint of (pick your neologism) Quitaly or Italeave.
Never mind the fact that, as in Spain, Italian voters want to have their cake and eat it too, advocating polices (in the form of “rolling back pension reforms and government subsidies to the unemployed”) that would only pile on further debt in a country that already has a national debt running at over 130% of GDP, secondly only to Greece in the Eurozone. That doesn’t change the fact that Italy has “ceded its sovereignty to the European Union and international financial markets.”
Naturally, traders have responded to the crisis by selling off Italian stocks and bonds.
Stay tuned…
Tags: Budget, Carlo Cottarelli, Economics, EU, Euro, European Debt Crisis, Eurozone, Five Star Movement, Foreign Policy, Italy, Northern League (Italy), Paolo Savona, PIIGS, Quitaly, Sergio Mattarella